Full Text: A Proposal for the Study of the Religious Heritage of the Dalits: Some Methodological Considerations

The full text of the A Proposal for the Study of the Religious Heritage of the Dalits: Some Methodological Considerations is reproduced here verbatim from the original paper by A. M. A. Ayrookuzhiel. This article first appeared in Religion and Society, Vol. 42, No. 1, March 1995.

This version preserves the original wording, structure, and formatting as presented in the source document.

Contents

1. Introduction
2. Commonality of religious symbols between the Dalits and other Hindus
3. Religious places
4. Objects of worship
5. Nature of offerings
6. Priestly roles
7. A specific form of Dalit worship and its adoption by caste Hindus: Teyyam dance
8. Chavu Tullal (Vellam Kudi)
9. A general observation
10. How do we explain historically this religious situation?
11. Present context and conflicting ideologies among the Dalits
12. A methodological caution
13. One: The dogmatic argument
14. Ambedkar’s question is, can the Dalits reject all these and still be called Hindus
15. Two: The argument of equal opportunity/participation
16. Three: The argument of religious power structures
17. How shall we proceed in terms of methodological presuppositions?
18. Historical religious movements among the Dalits
19. Conclusion
20. Notes

Introduction

The purpose of this seminar, I understand, is to consider the question of a proper methodology to study the folk religious heritages of people like the Dalits and tribals. I suppose the ultimate objective of such an exercise is to strengthen the religious identities of people like the Dalits who have a stigmatised weak identity.

This being the case, my contribution should be how I think, the religious heritage of the Dalits should be studied. How I think, their religious identities could be strengthened.

But the subject given to me is the ‘Distinctive Characteristics of Folk Tradition.’ This, I think, is a wrong assignment. I will tell you why.

First of all, we cannot really speak of ‘Folk Religion’ in the context of the religious heritage of ‘The Hindu.’ We have castes and communities. Each caste has its own religio-cultural identity. There is no common folk religion in opposition to a religion which is normative, authoritative and uniform for all Hindus.

It may be better that I explain this point by giving an idea of a concrete situation. My example is taken from Kerala, as I am familiar with that region. The situation might vary in other regions. But I think that the basic picture will be the same.

Commonality of Religious Symbols between the Dalits and other Hindus

Religious Places

In Kerala, we have communities like Nairs, Ezhavas, Brahmins, Artisan castes and Dalits like Pulayas, Parayar, Kuravar etc. Places of worship of Brahmins and Nairs are known by the Sanskrit word Kshetram (Temple); among Ezhavas, the word Kaav was used in the past. But today these traditional Kaavs are known by the word Kshetram, though the word Kaav persists in many places, Ezhavas also have Gurumandirams in honour of Sri Narayana Guru who started an anti-caste religious movement in Kerala in the early part of this century.

The traditional places of worship of the Dalits are known by the words Kaav, Malanada, Kottam, Molon etc. But one should not be surprised if he comes across the word ‘Kshetram’ used in some places.

Besides the places of worship of different castes, we have Devasvam Board Temples which belong to all castes and are generally called by the name Kshetram. Some of these places were ‘Kaav’ in earlier times. They then belonged to the Dalits or Ezhavas or Nairs. Today words like ‘Kaav’ and ‘Malanada’ continue to be used by the local people in spite of the attempts to call them by the word ‘Kshetram’ by the Devasvam Board (DB) authorities.

Objects of Worship

I studied these places from the point of view of the gods worshipped in these places. I could say Nair and Brahmin temples could be described as Vaishnava, Saivite or Bhagavati temples. Generally the same description applies to D.B. temples with some major exceptions. Traditional Ezhava places of worship are either Saivite or Bhagavati. In their Gurumandirams Narayana Guru is worshipped.

In Dalit shrines one finds ‘Appupan’, ‘Ammuma’ (ancestors), ‘Yogisvaran’, ‘Sannyasi’ (ascetics), ‘Yakshas’, ‘Yakshinis’, ‘Maadan’, ‘Maruta’, ‘Gulikan’, ‘Kula Deivangal’ (gods of the clan), ‘Para Murti’, ‘Pula Murti’ (god of the Parayar/Pulayans), ‘Rakshas’ (an evil genie), ‘Brahma Rakshas’ (the spirit of a murdered Brahmin), ‘Mala Deivangal’ (god of the hills), ‘Adavi’ (spirit of the forest), ‘Pula Chaamundi’, ‘Para Chaamundi’, ‘Kaali’, ‘Neeli’, ‘Vana Durga’ (mother deities), ‘Naagas’ (serpents), sacred tree, sun god etc. All these deities are symbolised by small stones and placed in different parts of the sacred grove.

There were three anti-caste religious movements among the Dalits. Two were led by Dalit religious gurus and one by some Dalit activists in this century. All of them established places of worship for the community. In the first two movements the Founder Gurus themselves are worshipped. The other Group established shrines of ‘Pakkanar,’¹ ‘Nandanar.’²

From the above picture it follows that Nairs and Brahmins can generally be described as Vaishnavite, Saivite or Bhagvati worshippers; Ezhava: Saivite, Bhagavati and Narayana Guru worshippers. Dalit cannot easily be put into these categories as a community. Can I therefore conclude that this is a distinctive characteristic of the Dalit religion? Hence I conclude that Dalits are not Hindus.

The answer is not so easy in the context of Hindu theology.

Bhagvad Gita says:

In other words Hindu theology teaches them that Vishnu, the Divinity is, in all these folk gods. He is the basic constituent entity of all entities. With this theological formula, Hindu scriptural religion was able to absorb all Pre-Dravidian and Dravidian gods, goddesses, spirits, ascetics, ancestors into one of the major archetypal god like Siva, Vishnu or Sakthi in full or in part.

As a matter of fact, gods like ‘Yogisvaran,’ ‘Rakshas,’ ‘Yakshas,’ ‘Yakshinis,’ ‘Naagas,’ ‘Rakth Chaamundi,’ ‘Maadan,’ ‘Maruta,’ ‘Gulikan’ etc., are found in caste Hindu temples and they accept them as deities unlike Christian, Muslims, Sikhs and Buddhists.

In addition I have found in my survey that the important centre of ‘Naaga’ worship, tree worship, ‘Chaattan Seva’ etc., are around certain Nambudiri illams in Kerala. They are the ritual authorities of all these forms of folk worship. On the other hand, one finds these days in the shrines of Dalits the cult of Siva, Vishnu Murti, Krishna, Bhuvaneswari Durga etc., creeping in (as a process of Sanskritisation).

Nature of Offerings

In the same way if we look at the offerings in these places one could generally say that caste Hindu temples have vegetarian offerings while Dalit shrines offer blood, toddy and other intoxicants. But there are a number of caste Hindu temples where blood is offered even today while there is an increasing number of Dalit shrines which are following the example of Sanskritised temples.

In this context, we may remind ourselves that a number of Brahmin controlled and Sanskritised temples of the country today, had a different story to tell some centuries or decades ago. They were once famous centres of worship belonging to Tribal, Backward or Dalits groups, where blood and toddy offerings used to be made.

But even today Jagannath of Puri is offered fish once a year by the tribal priest. The Brahmin Saanti withdraws through the back door of the temple in Kodungalloor during the great annual festival of Mina Bharani. As the priest withdraws, the local Raja shows a green flag when Velans and Pulayans enter the temple to sacrifice chickens in thousands. They come fully drunk singing obscene songs, and in the past used to desecrate the temple. An atmosphere of egalitarianism and hedonism of the tribal primitiveness prevailed in the spirit of celebration. Maybe it is an act of recapturing the place which once belonged to them like the goddess ‘Vasuri Mala’. The act is called ‘Kaav Tindal.’ It means the act of polluting the shrine.

Priestly Roles

If we look at the priesthood the following picture emerges. In all the Brahminic and Nair temples, the Saanti is always a Brahmin. This is also the general rule in Devaswom Board temples unless the temple belonged by tradition to the Dalits and was taken over by the Devaswom Board in recent years, for example, Mala Nada, Arrakal Kaav. In such places, a member of the Dalit family which has the hereditary right to be pujari in the shrine is appointed by the D.B. Board.

Among the Ezhavas, the pujari is from their caste in their traditional temples. But this rule is increasingly changed in recent years and Brahmins act as Saantis in some of these traditional temples.

But in Guru Mandirams of the Ezhavas, an Ezhava acts as Saanti. But generally he is a person who also has another occupation, but trained in Sivagiri Mutt in Varkala, but not a Saanti by family tradition.

The tradition among the Dalits is that one of their elders (Muppan) presides over rites of passage in the community. Puja in their shrines is performed by a member of the community. It could be ‘Muppan’ (elder) of the local community or some other person. Women and children also light lamps and make offerings at the shrine. But there are families among them who have the hereditary right to perform the puja in some of the well known shrines.

There are a few Dalit shrines which have Brahmin Saantis to perform puja either permanently or on special occasions. Fame, wealth or historical connection with caste Hindus brought about this situation. Sometimes a caste temple in a particular place considers the nearby Dalit shrine as part of it and the Brahmin pujari goes there to perform worship.

A Specific Form of Dalit Worship and its Adoption by Caste Hindus: Teyyam Dance

Worship by dance which was the tradition of Pre-Dravidian tribes is still today maintained by ‘Pulaya,’ ‘Velan,’ ‘Malayan,’ ‘Vannan’ etc., of the Dalit communities. But today one finds Teyyam worship in the shrines of ‘Tiyyas,’ ‘Vania’ (Backward Communities) and of ‘Maniani,’ Nambiar, Nair communities etc.

In some cases it looks as if the non-Dalit community accepted Teyyam because they had appropriated Dalit shrines which followed the Teyyam tradition. For instance, ‘Kunnatturpadi’ and ‘Purali Mala’ shrines of ‘Muttappan’ (ancestor) which are believed to be the original and most sacred shrines of ‘Muttappan’ today belong to ‘Tiyyas.’ The festival is conducted under the supervision of a Nair feudal chief. But the strange fact is that only a Dalit priest can dance as ‘Muttappan’ there. The Dalit priest comes out to dance wearing the ‘Kolam’ of ‘Muttappan,’ the hereditary right to hold the hand of ‘Muttappan’ as it belongs to the Dalits.

Pottan Teyyam (Pulaya ancestor) ‘Kari Gurukul’ (a pulaya siddhar) etc., continue to be considered as Dalit gods. But ‘Muttappan’ has now become the God of ‘Tiyyas.’ But both Pottan and ‘Muttappan’ are said to be a form of Siva (Chandala Siva and Ezhava Siva) according to Brahmanical myths about them and are accepted by caste Hindus.

But today we find Teyyams of Vishnu Murti (the Kolam of Narasimha), of ‘Panchuruli’ (Maya of Vishnu) of ‘Virachaamundi,’ ‘Raktha Chaamundi,’ ‘Kundor Chaamundi’ (Rudra form of Durga) of ‘Daivatar’ (Sri Raman) in the shrines and temples of caste Hindus. In other words, caste Hindus have adopted the Dalit form of worship.

The world renowned Kathakali and Kudiattam are adaptations of the Teyya Attam of the Dalits. (Paryan Tullal Sitankam Tullal-Kuncham Nabiar).

The story narrated in these performances are of Mahabharatham, Bhagavatham and of Ramayana. On the other hand, Dalits are introducing new Kolams of Vishnu Murti, ‘Chaamundi’ etc., besides the Kolam of their ancestors and heroes.

Chavu Tullal (Vellam Kudi)

Chavu Tullal is another form of religious dance specific to the Dalits. In Chavu Tullal, the spirits of the dead of yesterday and today (pazhanchav and Puthuchav) arrive to communicate with the living (Maniparachil). At the end of the ceremony the spirit of the dead is given a place (Kudiyiruttal). Today one finds that some caste Hindu temples accept Kudiyiruttal from the Dalits.

Similar forms of worship like ‘Serpam Tullal,’ ‘Karaga Attam,’ ‘Kavadi Nrtam,’ ‘Puli Kali,’ ‘Poykal Nrtam,’ ‘Kalam Ezhuttum Pattum’ (mandala) and offerings like ‘Kettu Kazacha’ common among the Dalits are today found during the festivals in all caste Hindu temples as part of the celebration.

We also find the caste Hindu families on occasions have these dances performed in their homes in fulfilment of some vow (Nercha). In other words, caste Hindus also accept this form of religious worship and the related symbols.

There are a number of festivals, (eg. Attukal Ponkala Utsavam) and rituals (Pitr Tarpanam-Karkadavav) which are common to all.

A General Observation

Sanskritisation among the Dalits varies from place to place as well as from one particular Dalit community to another. There are numerous reasons for it.

How Do We Explain Historically This Religious Situation?

Brahmanical religious tradition began as a composite religious heritage as it originated in the encounter of Aryan speaking people and the inhabitants of the Indus civilisation. The different elements of this composite religious tradition are traced by scholars to these people and their priesthood. According to some scholars (Kosambi, Ghosh, Warder etc.;) the new priesthood, which began in this encounter itself was composite in character and it might explain why the early religion took a composite nature.

As this composite religion and its priesthood spread across the diverse tribes in the subcontinent it became more and more complex as it absorbed their god-symbols, their religious rites, their priesthood and their places of worship. The new god-symbols were either identified with some of the old ones of Vedic times or were subordinated to them as sons, daughters or vehicles. It means that the god-symbols and rites of the enslaved group like the Dalit were not uprooted nor extirpated. Their gods were conceived as a lower form of god than that of their masters and their religious rites were tolerated as appropriate forms of worship suitable to their low status.

This approach was consistent with the Brahmanical philosophy which did not pose a true God against false gods but saw all the gods and religious symbols as different experiential levels of an ultimate Truth. Ekam Sat Vipra Bahuda Vedanti. A philosophy of religions which shape the religious world view of millions of Hindus. The net result of this historic religious process on the Dalits as an enslaved group was that they were allowed to carry on worshipping their own gods in their own manner.

But the politically enslaved Dalits became economically agricultural slaves and menial workers. As they were more and more brought under the feudal overlordship of the temples, Brahmin priests and their followers, many of the economic and social relations between the two groups (Sarvanas and Avarnas) acquired the colour of religious practices and rituals. They were expressed or enacted at the time of agricultural operations, on occasions of temple and village festivals or rituals connected with the rites of passage of their feudal masters.

This historical process led to some form of mutual inculturation between the Dalits and the followers of Brahmanical religion (caste Hindu) resulting in a certain amount of commonality of god-symbols, rites and festivals. In this process, the Brahmin priests and their followers appropriated social control of important Dalit shrines, introduced new myths or reinterpreted old myths and assigned the Dalits’ gods subordinate status in the divine hierarchy corresponding to the social hierarchy in real life. On the other hand, the Dalits learned many new myths, revised their old myths and acquired new festivals or re-devised their old festivals, incorporating Brahmanical values and accepted low status assigned to them.

The cumulative result of this historical process is that the Dalits have a number of religious commonalities with the caste Hindus in the form of common god-symbols, common religious festivals, common places of worship, common rituals and common places of pilgrimage. But they also retain some of their own primitive god-symbols, rituals, festival, religious songs, places of worship, Teyyam dances, Velichapad (oracles) and Muppan to preside over rites of passage. This marks them out as a separate and distinct community from the rest.

Present Context and Conflicting Ideologies Among the Dalits

In the past their economic and political marginalisation corresponded to their old religious identity as untouchable in the Hindu social order. In other words, their economic and political identity was in harmony with their religious identity. Their struggles in the last 150 years finally resulted in their gaining a decisive voice within the nation’s economic and political life. In other words, the Dalits continue to wage their battle for strengthening their economic and political identity within the broader framework of a democratic and secular Constitution of India. This Constitution not only ceases to enforce their old religious identity, but also conflicts with it as it abolishes untouchability and promotes their human rights in economic, political and social fields. In other words, their old religious identity is in disharmony with their new economic and political identity.

The political acceptance of their equality with the rest of the population in the secular fields by the Constitution, does not remove their old religious stigma inflicted on them by traditional religious beliefs, practices and rituals of the Hindus. How do they then redeem their human dignity in the religious sphere in the new social milieu, a crucial area where the Constitution cannot intervene? In other words, just as the secular Constitution provides them with a framework for their economic and political identity-building struggle, there should be a kind of framework of meaning and practices made available to them for a new religious identity-building. This is the real challenge.

As for their religious identity, the Dalits are caught between two diametrically opposed ideological forces. They are respectively the ideology of the Dalit Movement represented by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and the ideology of the Hindu Renaissance represented by Mahatma Gandhi and sponsored by the State. Both these ideologies are not concepts but tangible social forces active in religio-cultural spheres in their own ways.

This is not the place to describe the nature of these ideological social forces nor to evaluate their respective merits. But within the creativity of these two ideological forces the religious destiny of the Dalits have to be shaped.

A Methodological Caution

I have described how intrinsically the folk religious heritage of the Dalits is bound up with the Brahmanical literary tradition. From this, one may be tempted to assume that the Dalits have a common religious heritage with the Hindus as assumed by Gandhi. One may then base one’s studies on this assumption.

But here one should be reminded of the questions raised by Ambedkar.

One: The Dogmatic Argument

When Gandhi and Hindu Renaissance claimed that the Dalits are Hindus, Ambedkar asked whether it could be justified on the basis of Hindu beliefs in caste and untouchability? He claimed “Every Untouchable would reject Hinduism if the test would be caste and untouchability.”

What he really asked was: Would not every Dalit have to reject Hindu sacred scripture which contains many texts and passages that sacralizes the caste system? Would not they have to annihilate the caste system which is nothing but a social order of dominance? For example, the myth of creation in the Purush Suktha hymn in the Rigveda. This myth conceives society as a sacred hierarchy created by the Primeval Being (Adipurusha). The different groups of human beings which emerged from this sacred being were regarded high or low in the society because they were born from the head, arms, thighs and feet of the Sacred Primogenitor. In other words, the myth gives religious sanction to a political and economic order of dominance and subservience which was brought about by material factors such as ethnic conflict, and tribal wars in the early Indian society as in any other society all over the world.

This myth is repeated with longer commentaries and expositions in later religious books, namely the Brahmanas, Ramayana, Mahabharatha and the Puranas in the form of stories discourses, laws, rituals and practices.

In other words, there is a real conflict with the religious text of the Hindus and the social stance of the Dalits.

Ambedkar’s question is, can the Dalits reject all these and still be called Hindus

Again, wouldn’t every Dalit have to reject Hindu scriptural texts which support social differences. For example, religious concepts like Karma, Punarjanma (rebirth), Guna/Swabhava Niyata (Determination of inner qualities), Adhikarabedha (difference in aptitudes) as in Bhagavad Gita, a sacred book for the Hindus.

These Hindu Scriptural teachings have over the centuries inculcated a belief among Hindus that each person and each particular social group in the society have a kind of religious essence according to which one’s material conditions and character are determined. In short, a religious world-view which supports functional and social differences in society, as part of the divine order. If the Dalits have to reject this religious world-view, how can they still be Hindus is his question.

Two: The Argument of Equal Opportunity/Participation

As to the question of similarity of god-symbols and cults, Ambedkar asked whether this similarity had led them to a common cycle of participation in community.

In other words, the question is: can the Dalits participate in Hindu temple cult, domestic rites and festivals based on ritual belief in purity and pollution? Are they not excluded as impure people unworthy of religious contact?

In fact one of the major reasons for atrocities against the Dalits even today is their attempt to enter temples or participate in village festivals.

In my survey of Kerala situation, I have found that each and every caste has its temple or shrine and there is very little rapport across the different caste communities.

Three: The Argument of Religious Power Structures

When it was claimed that the temples were thrown open to the Dalits, Ambedkar challenged “Will the Devaswam Department be placed in the hands of untouchables and Sudras?” He said, “Install a depressed class leader in the gadi of Sankaracharya. Hundred families of Chitpavan Brahmins should fall at the feet of the new Shankaracharya as a token of their change of heart and acceptance of equal status. Every religious book is also a political book. Gita upholds Brahminism and Vedas.”

Here, Ambedkar is raising the question of power in religion as a social entity. Even after nearly five decades since independence, I found Devaswam Board in Kerala to be completely under the control of Brahmins and Nairs. There are some Ezhava employees in the Department. The jurisdiction in religious matters is completely reserved for the Brahmins by custom which cannot be interfered by a secular government. As for the Dalits, one occasionally finds a Dalit employed as a sweeper or a watchman. That too is very very rare. In short, within the Brahmanical religious heritage, the Dalits have problems not only with religious teachings but also with the absence of power in the religious structures. This is the social and ideological situation in the country now.

How shall we proceed in terms of methodological presuppositions?

Should we then agree with the position of Gandhi and Hindu Renaissance or with the position of Ambedkar?

The debate between Gandhi and Ambedkar whether the Dalits are Hindus or not was conducted in the context of their political right and representation. Though none of the arguments of Ambedkar could be refuted even in the religious sphere, many Dalit leaders disagreed with him on historical grounds. Even today the Dalits as a whole remain within their traditional religion. One reason could be the religion they live is basically their own. The other reason is the political patronage they receive in the present situation. The third reason seems to be that they can criticise the Hindu religion more effectively by remaining within their traditional heritage.

As these are important considerations we do not have to choose between Gandhi and Ambedkar for the purpose of our study of their heritage. Our concern is how we can strengthen the Dalit movement to get rid of their stigma of negative religious identity and build a positive religious identity.

From my description of their religious situation, I think it is clear that the Dalits suffer from a kind of religious colonisation. Without integrating the Dalits into their community, the caste Hindus appropriated the place of Dalit worship. The priest developed a theology of hierarchy and subordinated the Dalit gods and rituals. If the traditional Dalit religious leadership were allowed to continue in the community, they were given no status.

The word colonisation is no exaggeration. For example, many well-known and rich temples as well as numerous local temples exist today on the sites of ancient Dalit shrines. For example, Ananta Padmanabha Swamy temple in Thiruvananthapuram, Ayyappa temple in Sabarimalai, Sastha temple in Sastamkotta, Bhagavati temple in Kodungaloor, Siva temple in Kottiyur etc. Some of the appropriations have taken place as recently as 1937 - Kurava shrine in Malanada; Arrakal Chattan Kaav near Kottarakara was taken over very recently by Devaswam Board.

The Sthalapuranas of these temples, the Dalit-own myth associated with these places, certain existing ritual practices, Uranma rights of Dalits in some of these place go to prove the truth of this process of historical colonisation.

But colonisation of the religion of the Dalits by the Brahmanical religious myths and stories did not fully succeed. The Brahmanical myth of origins of many Dalit gods e.g., Murugan, Sastha, Vasurimala and the Sthalapuranas of many temples are often incoherent and contain conflicting elements. Besides, folk memories of the Dalits produced their own Sthalapuranas and myths of the origin of their gods. They have many folks songs which tell the stories of their gods. Their customary right in some of the caste temples have their story to tell. This folk material often corresponds to historical facts and material evidence.

It is not possible in the scope of this paper to give even a general account of such myths, stories, songs, Uranma rights etc. But there is an abundance of such material which tells the stories of appropriation of Dalit gods, Dalit places of worship, origin of Dalit gods, nature of Dalit religious beliefs, nature of their religious rituals, nature of their priesthood. Besides there are also myths and songs of protest against caste and untouchability. There are also myths and songs about their heroes.

The study of these materials in the light of available historical evidence will be the most suitable way of strengthening their religio-cultural identity.

Such a study will reveal a number of things related to their concept of God, human society and nature. They reveal that they believed in a God of justice and equality against caste values (Pottan Teyyam) a God who will vindicate the just (Nili Amma Tottam Malayalapuzha Poti). Their rituals prove that they believe in the priesthood of all people (children, women & men). Their ritual reveals their attitude to nature.

In short there are symbols and themes of liberation in their own heritage against caste and untouchability. Since these symbols and themes are their own, they have their own living vibrancy to energise and mobilise them.

Historical Religious Movements among the Dalits

In addition to the folk religious tradition of protest against caste and untouchability, the Dalits have a long historical heritage of religious movements of protest against Brahmanical values. They were started by the untouchable and lower-caste saints. As these movements never enjoyed the political support they never struck institutional roots with any kind of meaningful economic base. Many of them continue to remain confined locally to small bands of disciples. Their teaching continues in the form of songs, stories and ritual practices though better known compared to the folk material. But these songs never acquired the status of sacred scripture in society. But these movements and the ideas propagated by them are in tune with anti-caste tradition within the Great Hindu Tradition. In fact there are a number of sages across the caste barriers who belong to this stream of Hindu heritage.

In the above sense, the historical protest movements of the Dalits have also much in common with a spiritual stream within the Hindu heritage. Besides, many Dalit sages used religious symbols which are common to caste Hindus and to the Dalits.

Conclusion

I think if we are serious about the 200 million Dalit community in India regaining their religious status, we should undertake the study of Dalit religious heritage both in its folk form and in its historical form. Only an academic community can take up such a task.

I think it is sufficiently clear that the religious heritage of the Dalits is something acceptable to the caste Hindus though it challenges them. We have to publicise such challenges lest they be made subordinate in the traditional manner. Such a challenge will bring about the necessary pressure for a second Hindu renaissance. Since Dalit tradition is historically bound up with the caste Hindu tradition it will not be easy to resist the pressure from inside. Here the Dalits are asking for change as insiders. Giving political weightage to the Dalit community in India will make it difficult for the caste Hindu to resist the Dalit’s demands.

A process of change in this way will be in the spirit of dialogue of religions. It has the added advantage in that such change comes to the Dalits in continuity with their religious past.

Notes

1. Pakkanar is believed to be the great ancestor of the Dalits. ↩
2. A Dalit sage who lived near Chidambaram in Tamil Nadu. ↩
3. "I am the self established in the heart of all contingent beings. I am the beginning the middle, and the end of all contingent beings too. Among the Adityas I am Vishnu, among lights the radiant sun, among the Maruts I am Marid, among stars I am the moon. Of the Vedas I am the Sama Veda, I am Indra among the gods, among the senses I am the mind, amongst contingent beings thought. Among the Rudras Siva am I, among yaksha-raksasam, Kubera, among the Vasus I am fire, among mountains I am Meru. And of the household priest know that I am the chief, Brihaspati, among war-lords I am Skanda, among lakes I am the Ocean. Among the great seer I am Bhrigu, among utterances the single syllable (Om); among sacrifices I am the sacrifice of muttered prayer, among things immovable the Himalayas. Among all trees, the holy fig-tree, Narada among the seers, among Gandharvas the Citrangatha, among Siddhas Kapila, among horses know that I am Uccasrava, (India's steed) from the nectar born, among princely elephants (India's called) Airavata, among men, the King. Among weapons I am the thunderbolt, of cows the milch-cow of desires, and I am Kandarpa (god of love) generating (seed), among serpents I am Vasuki (the serpent king). Of Naga-serpents, I am (their chief) Ananta of water-dwellers. Varuna (their lord) am I; of the ancestors I am Aryaman, among those who subdue I am Yama (god of death). Among demons I am Prahlada, among those who reckon I am Time; among beasts I am (the Lion) the King of beasts, among birds Garuda (Vishnu's bird). Among those who purify I am the wind, Rama I am among men at arms, among the water-monsters I am the crocodile, among rivers I am Ganges." The Bhagavad-Gita - R.C. Zaehner (Spalding Professor of Eastern Religions and Ethics at the University of Oxford, Fellow of All Soul's College) (Oxford; The Clarendon Press, 1969). Ch.1020-31, "God the Quintessence of all Essences," pp.297-99. ↩

📄 This page was created on 7 May 2026. You can view its history on GitHub, preview the fileTip: Press Alt+Shift+G, or inspect the underlying source.