Save the Internet From Corporate Censorship

Save the Internet From Corporate Censorship is an opinion column by Sunil Abraham, published in Deccan Chronicle on 5 September 2018. The article critiques the regime of private censorship exercised by social media companies, particularly in the wake of coordinated bans against Alex Jones and Infowars. It argues for implementing principles of natural justice in content moderation, strengthening competition law, and empowering civil society to hold internet giants accountable.

Contents

  1. Article Details
  2. Full Text
  3. Context and Background
  4. External Link

Article Details

📰 Published in:
Deccan Chronicle
📅 Date:
5 September 2018
👤 Author:
Sunil Abraham
📄 Type:
Opinion Column
📰 Newspaper Link:
Read Online

Full Text

The debate over social media playing the censor is not new. Often, the debate stems from a superficial understanding of social media, which is the offshoot of an information technology breakthrough. Most forms of information and communication technologies are dual use, which can be used to protect human rights and empower citizens. But they can also be used to undermine human rights and democracy. The last five years has seen an inversion of the initial trend.

During the early days of the internet, everybody was convinced that the internet would have only positive consequences. Now, we have a reality to check and see a lot of its negative effects.

Social media companies have always had community standards for terms of use and were more limited than the constitutionally protected right to free speech. So even if our country allowed us, for instance, to engage in harassing behaviour and there was no law against that, some social media companies made that unacceptable on their platforms. What we need to see now is the second generation of tightening of those norms because it is very clear that some actors of social media are taking it too far.

The most important thing to realise is that this is the regime of private censorship and this regime is already in place. In some countries this is better configured. Our country has what is called "notice and take down system" whereas in a country like Canada, it is "notice and notice system". In notice and take down system, individual letters, published or circulated in media or unacceptable content is taken down without informing. In the notice and notice system, the originators are informed and they are part of the adjudication process.

This is a dangerous form of censorship. We need principles of natural justice implemented in the regime. The second would be the opportunity to be heard. The third would be reasoned decisions when the social media company takes a decision, they must give a reason for taking that decision. The fourth would be transparency. Everybody should be able to know that we are making these types of decisions.

Unfortunately, today, this regime of private censorship has none of these elements of natural justice. Censorship is happening all the time. Censorship is happening because some content is unlawful. For example, copyright infringement is routinely censored on the internet and the excuse is it is unlawful content. Unfortunately Americans do not complain about this form of censorship because they don't see access to knowledge as the key prerequisite to the right of free speech. So Americans are terribly unhappy when a political speech is censored. But they don't talk about other forms of censorship.

Now, with the specific case: Infowars boss Alex Jones, what was very suspicious was that multiple independent companies entered roughly at the same time and that is very suspicious because if you are following the process, if you are implementing the principles of natural justice, it is very unlikely that very different companies will come to the same conclusion at exactly the same time frame. This proves that these companies are making these censorship decisions politically and they are not following the internal adjudicatory process. That is the reason why people find that the Alex Jones incident is unacceptable.

Often, one is asked whether we handle internet responsibly. It is not a question about responsibility; it's a question of literacy. In the developed world, people have encountered new media over a rather extended historical trajectory. They had pictures, telephones, television and over the years they got acquainted with more and more sophisticated information and communication technologies. In India, it is very different because at least 30 per cent of the population is illiterate, they have been exposed to the latest form of ICTs without encountering previous generations that have been technologies. So the critical capacity is underdeveloped. Therefore it is easier for them to be manipulated, easier to be fooled. The question is how can this be redressed?

Civil society's first responsibility is to ask the government to regulate internet giants. One very important area of regulation is competition role. If these giants were not monopolies, their influence on our society would not be so large. Implementing monopoly law and competition law in a sufficiently effective manner against these internet giants will help India.

The second responsibility for civil society is to breed technical alternatives. There is a group of positive fellows who have just put together an obfuscator for browsers. Even when you are not using your computer, the browser will concentrate, make enquiries and search your social media. This extension to browser will perform various transactions to confuse those who are tracking you online. So that is the technical response to some of these online tracking.

Finally, a civil society must hold internet giants to account, especially when they perform private censorship without the due process and principles of natural justice. Then we must shame them and force them to adopt better standards. Education and awareness enhancement are too expensive.

Internet individual users, no matter how educated they are, will be incapable of protecting their rights. Civil society should focus on reforming laws, providing means for technological resistance and holding internet giants to account.

Companies should adhere to the due process and principles of natural justice.

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Context and Background

This article was published in early September 2018, amidst considerable controversy surrounding content moderation practices by major technology platforms. Just weeks earlier, in August 2018, Apple, Facebook, YouTube, and Spotify had nearly simultaneously removed content associated with Alex Jones and his Infowars platform, citing violations of their community standards related to hate speech and harassment. Twitter initially resisted joining this wave but eventually suspended Jones permanently on 6 September 2018, the day after this column appeared.

The coordinated nature of these bans sparked widespread debate about whether social media companies were exercising appropriate editorial discretion or engaging in politically motivated censorship. Critics across the ideological spectrum expressed concern that such decisions, made without transparent processes or meaningful opportunities for appeal, set troubling precedents for platform governance. The incident highlighted fundamental questions about the power wielded by a handful of corporations over public discourse and the absence of due process safeguards in their content moderation systems.

In India, these debates intersected with longstanding concerns about content regulation under the Information Technology Act. The “notice and takedown” regime allowed intermediaries to remove content upon receiving complaints, often without informing content creators or providing avenues for redress. This stood in contrast to jurisdictions like Canada, which employed a “notice and notice” system that required platforms to inform users of complaints before taking action. Indian civil society organisations had long advocated for stronger procedural protections, transparency requirements, and independent oversight mechanisms to prevent arbitrary removals.

The article also reflects growing recognition that early techno-optimism about the internet’s democratising potential had given way to more sober assessments of its vulnerabilities. Concerns about misinformation, coordinated manipulation campaigns, privacy violations, and the monopolistic tendencies of platform companies were reshaping policy discussions globally. In India specifically, rapid digital adoption without corresponding improvements in digital literacy created conditions where users were particularly susceptible to manipulation and disinformation.

Sunil Abraham’s argument for competition law enforcement as a remedy addresses a crucial dimension often overlooked in content moderation debates. The market dominance of companies like Facebook and Google meant that their content policies effectively functioned as speech regulation for billions of users worldwide, with limited alternatives available. Strengthening antitrust enforcement could potentially diversify the digital ecosystem, reducing the disproportionate influence any single company exercises over online expression.

The column was written during Abraham’s tenure as executive director of the Centre for Internet and Society, a Bengaluru-based research organisation that had established itself as a prominent voice on digital rights, internet governance, and technology policy in India. His perspective combined technical expertise with a commitment to civil liberties, reflecting broader tensions between the desire to curb harmful online content and the imperative to preserve free expression and due process protections.

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