India's Supreme Court Strikes Down Law That Led to Facebook Arrests
India’s Supreme Court Strikes Down Law That Led to Facebook Arrests is a report published by The Washington Post on 24 March 2015, written by Annie Gowen. The article covers the Supreme Court’s landmark ruling striking down Section 66A of the Information Technology Act, which had criminalised posting “offensive” content online and led to numerous arrests over social media posts. It includes commentary from Sunil Abraham, who explains that the provision was originally designed to combat electronic spam but was misused by politicians to suppress online criticism.
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Article Details
- 📰 Published in:
- The Washington Post
- ✍️ Author:
- Annie Gowen
- 📅 Date:
- 24 March 2015
- 📄 Type:
- News report
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Full Text
India's Supreme Court on Tuesday struck down a provision of a law that made it illegal to spread "offensive messages" on electronic devices and resulted in arrests over posts on Facebook and other social media.
In a decision hailed as a victory for free speech, Judge Rohinton Fali Nariman ruled that Section 66A of the Information Technology Act was unconstitutional, writing that the vaguely worded legislation had wrongly swept up innocent people and had a "chilling" effect on free speech in the world's most populous democracy.
"Section 66A is cast so widely that virtually any opinion on any subject would be covered by it," the judge wrote. "If it is to withstand the test of constitutionality, the chilling effect on free speech would be total."
India passed the Information Technology Act in 2000, and an amendment that went into effect in 2009 gave authorities broad powers to arrest those who post content deemed "grossly offensive" or false. The offense was punishable by up to three years in jail and a fine.
Sunil Abraham, the executive director of the Centre for Internet and Society in Bangalore, said that the provision was originally intended to protect citizens from electronic spam but that it was used much more broadly.
"Politicians who didn't like what people were saying about them used it to crack down on online criticism," he said.
The section has resulted in more than 20 high-profile arrests, including that of a professor who posted an unflattering cartoon of a state political leader and an artist who drew cartoons lampooning the government and Parliament.
The most well-known was the case of two young women arrested in the western town of Palghar after one of them posted a comment on Facebook that said Mumbai should not have been shut down for the funeral of a famous conservative leader. A friend who merely "liked" the post also was arrested. After much outcry, the two were released on bail and the charges eventually dropped.
The case of the "Palghar Girls" inspired a young law student, Shreya Singhal, to take on the law. Singhal became the chief petitioner for the case, joined by other free speech advocates and an Indian information technology firm.
"It's a big victory," Singhal said after the ruling. "The Internet is so far-reaching and so many people use it now, it's very important for us to protect this right."
In addition, Singhal and other petitioners had argued that a section of the Information Technology Act that allowed the government to block Web sites containing questionable material also was unconstitutional. The court disagreed, however, saying there was a sufficient review process in place to avoid misuse.
Free speech is enshrined in the Indian constitution but has its limits. Books and movies are often banned or censored out of consideration for the sentiments of religious and minority groups.
Last year, a conservative Hindu group persuaded Penguin India to withdraw a book on Hinduism by Wendy Doniger, a professor of religion at the University of Chicago, from the Indian market. And, more recently, the government halted the planned television debut of a documentary on a 2012 gang rape called "India's Daughter."
The government, whose attorney had argued in court that the legislature was in the best position to understand the needs of the people, also welcomed the decision.
"The government is committed to free speech. India is a democratic country, and free flow of ideas should be respected. We do not seek to curtail any rights," said Ravi Shankar Prasad, the minister of communications and information technology. He cautioned, however, that social media users and platforms should show self-restraint.
In recent years, other nations also have sharply increased monitoring of and crackdowns on Web posts perceived as insulting.
Across the Persian Gulf Arab states, dozens of activists have been arrested for social media posts considered insulting to the countries' rulers or damaging to the national image. In January 2014, an American national was allowed to leave the United Arab Emirates after serving more than eight months in prison for posting a YouTube video spoofing the UAE's youth culture.
Brian Murphy in Washington contributed to this report.
Context and Background
This ruling marked a decisive moment in India’s digital free speech jurisprudence, settling a conflict between state authority and online expression that had produced absurd outcomes like arresting someone for “liking” a Facebook post. Justice Nariman’s judgment recognised that Section 66A’s vague language—terms like “grossly offensive” and “causing annoyance”—created exactly the chilling effect that constitutional free speech protections were meant to prevent. By invalidating the provision entirely rather than narrowing its scope through judicial interpretation, the Court acknowledged that some legislative overreach cannot be salvaged through incremental fixes.
Sunil Abraham’s observation about legislative mission creep proved prescient. What began as an anti-spam measure evolved into a tool for political retaliation, with local officials using criminal law to punish citizens for unflattering commentary or inconvenient questions. The “Palghar Girls” case crystalised public outrage precisely because it exposed how routine the abuse had become—police acting on complaints from political workers over mundane social media posts, treating dissent as criminality.
The decision’s limits also mattered. Whilst striking down Section 66A, the Court upheld Section 69A, which grants government broad website-blocking powers subject to procedural review. This distinction reflected a court willing to protect individual expression from vague criminal liability whilst preserving executive authority over content at the platform level. The subsequent decade would test whether procedural safeguards around blocking orders functioned as genuine checks or became formalities rubber-stamping state censorship.
The broader context of books being pulped and documentaries banned underscored tensions in India’s free speech landscape. Constitutional protections coexist with statutory carve-outs for religious sentiment, public order and morality, creating space for both judicial vindication of expression rights and routine censorship through other legal pathways. Section 66A’s demise removed one particularly arbitrary mechanism but left intact a complex regulatory architecture where speech restrictions depend heavily on which legal provision is invoked and which institutional actor enforces it.
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