India Debates Limits to Freedom of Expression
India Debates Limits to Freedom of Expression is a report published by The Washington Post on 12 February 2012, written by Simon Denyer. The article examines mounting pressures on free speech in India across multiple domains—from Salman Rushdie being forced to skip a literary festival to government threats against Facebook and Google over online content. It includes commentary from Sunil Abraham, who argues that web censorship proposals would stifle India’s internet industry and that official actions ostensibly targeting hate speech often aim to suppress political criticism.
Contents
Article Details
- 📰 Published in:
- The Washington Post
- ✍️ Author:
- Simon Denyer
- 📅 Date:
- 12 February 2012
- 📄 Type:
- News report
- 📰 Newspaper link:
- Read Online (Subscription needed)
Full Text
From Google to Facebook, from world-famous author Salman Rushdie to a little-known political cartoonist, it has become increasingly easy in recent months to offend the Indian government, and to incur the wrath of the censor or even the threat of legal action.
In the world's largest democracy, many Indians say freedom of expression is under attack, and along with it the values of pluralism and tolerance that have bound this nation of 1.2 billion people together since independence from Britain more than 64 years ago.
India's democracy is nothing if not raucous. The huge array of newspapers and 24-hour television news channels are often vociferous in their criticism of politicians. But the media's determination to root out corruption in the past two years has prompted a backlash. Talk of more stringent regulation is mounting.
At the same time, artists say their creative freedom has been steadily eroded. Even Jay Leno managed to offend Indian Sikhs — and prompt an official government complaint — with a satirical reference to their holiest shrine, the Golden Temple, in a joke about Mitt Romney's vacation homes.
At fault, many say, is a thin-skinned government that gives in to the demands of violent mobs, ostensibly to make political gains but in fact to suppress its critics.
"For a country that takes great pride in its democracy and history of free speech, the present situation is troubling," said Nilanjana Roy, a columnist and literary critic. "Especially in the creative sphere, the last two decades have been progressively intolerant."
Targeting authors, artists
Rushdie, whose novel "The Satanic Verses" was banned in India in 1988, was forced to cancel appearances at the Jaipur Literature Festival last month after threats of violence from Muslim groups and a warning about a possible assassination attempt — information he said was probably fabricated by authorities to keep him away.
Wary of alienating Muslim voters in ongoing state elections, not a single Indian politician spoke out in favor of Rushdie's right to be heard.
Last month, the screening of a documentary on Kashmir was canceled at a college in the city of Pune after right-wing Hindus objected, and an artist was beaten in his gallery in Delhi for showing nude paintings of actresses and models that his attackers claimed were an insult to the country.
The release of the latest book by Bangladeshi author Taslima Nasreen was canceled in Kolkata after Muslims protested, and Aseem Trivedi, a 25-year-old political cartoonist, was charged with treason and insulting India's national emblems in drawings inspired by activist Anna Hazare's anti-corruption movement.
But perhaps the most shocking episode for advocates of freedom of expression has been the government's attempt to muzzle Facebook and Google — and prosecute the companies' executives — for content posted on their sites deemed to be offensive. "Like China, we can block all such Web sites," warned the judge hearing the case in the Delhi High Court.
The government cites images insulting to one or another of India's religions, content it says could provoke unrest. It is up to social media sites, the government says, to manually screen and censor all potentially offensive content or face prosecution.
"No freedom can be absolute," said the chairman of the Press Council of India, Justice Markandey Katju. "The hold of religion is very strong in India, and you have to respect that. You can't go insulting people."
Katju's concerns are perhaps understandable in a country whose birth was scarred by the mass murder of Hindus and Muslims at the time of independence in 1947. But the effect, critics say, is to give the mob the power of veto and take away a fundamental right in a free society: the right to offend others.
Sunil Abraham at the Center for Internet and Society says the government's proposals on Web censorship would kill the vibrancy of the Internet in India. Wikipedia founder Jimmy Wales warned that they would scare off investors and crush the country's potential to become a true leader in the Internet industry.
The irony, according to critics, is that the concern over religiously offensive content was little more than an excuse: What appears to have really offended the ruling Congress party were defamatory images of their idolized leader, Sonia Gandhi.
"The myth that is spread is that the government is acting against hate speech and obscenity. But when the government acts to control information on the Internet, it is usually defamatory or potentially defamatory content against people and politicians," Abraham said.
Almost a year ago, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said the media were undermining the nation's self-confidence by harping on official corruption. Since then, talk of tighter media regulation has grown louder.
And despite the vibrancy of India's mainstream English-language media, the country's ranking on the press freedom index of the journalism advocacy group Reporters Without Borders has dropped, from 105th in 2009 to 131st last year.
An optimistic view
Arnab Goswami, the editor and anchor of the Times Now television channel, points to television's dramatic success in exposing official corruption in the past two years to argue that there is plenty to be optimistic about.
Courts in India generally have a better record than do politicians of defending freedom of expression. And there are people in government, including Information and Broadcasting Minister Ambika Soni, determined to resist the temptation to take a harder line.
"The pressure was enormous, to control the media, to clamp down on the media," she said. "But I did withstand the pressure."
Soni said she sees self-regulation by the media rather than official regulation as the way forward. She maintains that, for example, the debate about Rushdie has not necessarily done India any harm.
"That's the strength of Indian society," she said. "You have discussed it, everyone has had their say on the matter, the government has had its share of criticism, yet we've moved on."
Context and Background
This report documented a period when multiple strands of censorship pressure converged across Indian public life. The Rushdie controversy at Jaipur epitomised how electoral calculations trumped free speech principles, with politicians across parties refusing to defend an author’s right to appear at a literary festival for fear of alienating religious constituencies. The cartoonist facing sedition charges for anti-corruption artwork and the artist attacked for nude paintings illustrated how both state and non-state actors constrained creative expression, often invoking religious sentiment or national honour to justify suppression.
Sunil Abraham’s distinction between stated justifications and actual targets proved crucial. Whilst authorities framed internet content regulation as necessary to prevent religious violence, the impetus often came from political leaders upset about unflattering images or commentary. The threat to prosecute Facebook and Google executives for user-generated content represented an attempt to convert platforms into gatekeepers responsible for pre-screening all material—an operationally impossible demand that would effectively require blocking Indian users from contributing freely to global platforms.
The comparison to China carried particular weight. India’s identity as the world’s largest democracy depended partly on contrast with authoritarian models of governance, yet judicial threats to block platforms wholesale suggested convergence rather than divergence in approaches to online speech. Jimmy Wales’s warning about investor confidence and industry leadership highlighted how censorship regimes create economic costs beyond their immediate targets, deterring the entrepreneurship and innovation that digital economies require.
The article’s context around corruption reporting revealed a pattern where press freedom came under pressure precisely when media exposed official wrongdoing effectively. Prime Minister Singh’s complaint about undermining national self-confidence by “harping on” corruption reflected discomfort with scrutiny rather than genuine concern about morale. The subsequent regulatory threats functioned as retaliation, suggesting that tolerance for press freedom remained contingent on media restraint rather than being guaranteed by constitutional principle.
India’s declining press freedom ranking—from 105th to 131st in three years—indicated that these were not isolated incidents but part of a broader deterioration. Yet the report also captured institutional counterweights: courts that sometimes protected expression when politicians would not, ministers like Ambika Soni resisting pressure for formal regulation, and robust television journalism continuing to expose malfeasance despite backlash. This tension between authoritarian impulses and democratic resilience would continue to define India’s free speech landscape in subsequent years.
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